跳至內容

跨太平洋夥伴關係協議

維基百科,自由的百科全書
跨太平洋夥伴關係協定
2010年TPP峰會
類型自由貿易協定
起草完成日2015年10月5日,​9年前​(2015-10-05[1][2][3]
簽署日2016年2月4日,​8年前​(2016-02-04
簽署地點 新西蘭奧克蘭
生效日無效
生效條件Ratification by all original signatories, or (2 years after signature) ratification by at least 6 states corresponding to 85% of GDP of original signatories[4]
簽署者
批准者
保存處新西蘭
語言英語(如果存在衝突或分歧,以英語版本為準)、西班牙語越南語日語法語
收錄於維基文庫的條約原文
維基文庫跨太平洋夥伴關係協定

跨太平洋夥伴關係協定(英語:Trans-Pacific Partnership,簡稱TPP)是12個經濟體之間擬議的自由貿易協定,由汶萊加拿大智利日本馬來西亞墨西哥新西蘭秘魯新加坡越南美國於2016年2月4日簽署。2017年1月,美國總統當勞·特朗普上任後宣佈退出TPP。[5]

該協定未能按要求獲得批准,因此也沒有生效。其餘經濟體談判達成一項名為CPTPP的新貿易協定,該協定包含了TPP大部分條款,並於2018年12月30日生效。

TPP始於汶萊、智利、新西蘭和新加坡於2005年的TPSEP。隨後澳大利亞、加拿大、日本、馬來西亞、墨西哥、秘魯、美國和越南從2008年開始加入討論,使談判方達到十二個。2017年1月,美國退出該協議。[6]

美國之外的TPP其餘各方於2017年5月同意重振TPP協議[7][8],並於2018年1月達成協議。

2018年3月,11方簽署協議修訂版,稱為跨太平洋夥伴關係全面進步協議[9]在其中六方(澳大利亞、加拿大、日本、墨西哥、新西蘭和新加坡)批准後,該協議於2018年12月30日對該六方生效。

最初的TPP包含降低非關稅壁壘和關稅貿易壁壘[10]並建立投資者—國家爭端解決(ISDS)機制。[11]

美國國際貿易委員會[12]彼得森國際經濟研究所世界銀行和加拿大全球事務部首席經濟學家辦公室發現,最終協議如果獲得批准,將為所有簽署方帶來淨積極的經濟成果。[Note 1]許多觀察家表示,該貿易協議將服務於地緣政治目的,即減少簽署方對中國大陸貿易的依賴,並拉近簽署方與美國的距離。[21][22][23][24]

會籍

[編輯]
  參與
  簽署
  撤回

2016年2月4日四個締約方和另外八方,所有12方都簽署了TPP。[25]

如果該協議在兩年內談妥,則該協議在所有簽署方批准後生效。如果該協議在2018年2月4日之前沒有得到所有簽署方批准,TPP將在至少6個簽署方批准後生效,這些簽署方GDP合計超過所有簽署方GDP的85%。

美國於2017年1月退出TPP,實際上結束了TPP生效的任何前景。作為回應,其餘各方談了新版本的協議CPTPP,該協議於2018年12月生效。

經濟體 TPSEP 參與TPP 簽署TPP 批准TPP
新加坡 2006年5月28日 2008年2月 2016年2月4日 不適用
汶萊 2006年5月28日 2008年2月 2016年2月4日 不適用
新西蘭 2006年7月12日 2008年2月 2016年2月4日 2017年5月11日
智利 2006年11月8日 2008年2月 2016年2月4日 不適用
澳洲 未參與 2008年11月 2016年2月4日 不適用
秘魯 未參與 2008年11月 2016年2月4日 不適用
越南 未參與 2008年11月 2016年2月4日 不適用
馬來西亞 未參與 2010年10月 2016年2月4日 不適用
墨西哥 未參與 2012年10月 2016年2月4日 不適用
加拿大[26] 未參與 2012年10月 2016年2月4日 不適用
日本 未參與 2013年5月 2016年2月4日 2017年1月20日

退出

[編輯]

2017年1月23日,美國總統特朗普簽署總統備忘錄退出TPP,使其在2016年2月前獲批准變得幾乎不可能。[27]

經濟體 TPSEP 參與TPP 簽署TPP 撤銷日
美國 未參與 2008年2月 2016年2月4日 2017年1月23日[28]

2018年4月13日,特朗普表示美國可能重新加入TPP。[29][30][31][32]

潛在成員

[編輯]

APEC成員可以加入TPP,任何其他司法管轄區有現有TPP成員同意也可以加入。在收到加入申請後,條約締約方委員會將就加入條件進行談判。

韓國沒有參加2006年的協議,但對加入TPP表現出興趣[33]。在2010年12月締結韓美自由貿易協定後被美國邀請參加TPP談判。[34]韓國已與部分TPP成員達成雙邊貿易協定,但汽車製造和農業等領域仍需商定,進一步的多邊TPP談判有些複雜。[35]

其他對加入TPP感興趣的,截至2010年包括台灣[36]菲律賓[37]哥倫比亞[38],截至2012年包括泰國[39],截至2013年包括印度尼西亞[40]孟加拉[41]印度[42]

截至2013年,根據法學教授EdmundSim在2013年的說法,其中許多經濟體需要改變其保護主義的貿易政策才能加入TPP。[43]

未參與談判的環太平洋地區最大經濟體是中國大陸。根據布魯金斯學會2013年的報告,TPP對中國大陸的最根本挑戰是「它可能沒有足夠強大的吸引力來推動中國簽署這些新貿易投資標準。迄今為止,中國的反應是加快其在亞洲的貿易舉措。」[44]2013年,人們認為中國大陸最終仍會有興趣加入TPP。[45]學術分析表明,雖然TPP如果中國大陸參與會更成功,但給中國大陸帶來的好處是不易見形的。[46]

2015年10月,印度尼西亞總統佐科·維多多宣佈印尼有意加入TPP。[47]

斯里蘭卡2016年宣佈有興趣加入TPP,研究其可行性。[48][49]

經濟體 TPSEP TPP 宣佈有興趣
哥倫比亞 未參與 宣佈有興趣 2010年1月
菲律賓 未參與 宣佈有興趣 2010年9月
泰國 未參與 宣佈有興趣 2012年11月
台灣 未參與 宣佈有興趣 2013年9月
南韓 未參與 宣佈有興趣 2013年11月
印度尼西亞 未參與 宣佈有加入意向[47] 2015年10月
斯里蘭卡 未參與 宣佈有興趣[49] 2015年11月

歷史

[編輯]

跨太平洋戰略經濟夥伴關係協定

[編輯]

文萊、智利、新加坡和新西蘭是跨太平洋戰略經濟夥伴關係協定(TPSEP)的締約方,該協定於2005年簽署,並於2006年生效。原TPSEP協定包含加入條款,並確認成員「承諾鼓勵其他經濟體加入本協定」。[50][51]TPSEP是一項綜合性協議,涉及貨物貿易、原產地規則、貿易救濟、關於實施衛生和植物衛生措施、貿易技術壁壘、服務貿易、知識產權、政府採購和競爭政策。除其他外,它呼籲在2006年1月1日之前將成員之間的所有關稅削減90%,並在2015年之前將所有貿易關稅降至零。[52]

儘管發起方和談判方都是APEC成員,但TPSEP並非APEC倡議。然而,TPP被認為是APEC倡議FTAAP的探路者。

原始談判

[編輯]

2008年1月,美國與P4成員就金融服務領域的貿易自由化展開談判。[53]這導致了19輪正式談判和隨後的一系列額外會議,例如首席談判代表會議和部長會議,並促成了2015年10月5日宣佈的協議。

批准原始協議

[編輯]

日本和新西蘭批准了最初的協議。

日本及其在該地區的主要競爭對手中國大陸對東南亞經濟應該如何發展持有兩極分化的看法。在TPP之前,日本曾嘗試通過在1997年9月提出亞洲貨幣基金來獲得主導地位,但在美國反對下未實現。到2011年,日本設法達成一項中日韓自由貿易協定,其中不包括美國。通過這種方式,日本打中國牌以便在美國支持下將TPP談判從中國大陸移到日本上。[54]

日本批准TPP需要進行政治改革:將部分權力從農業部轉移到首相。[55]

2016年12月9日,日本眾議院作出決議參與。日本於2017年1月20日通知TPP條約保存方新西蘭批准程序完成,日本成為第一個批准TPP的經濟體。[56]

新西蘭於2017年5月11日批准TPP。[57]新西蘭總理傑辛達·阿德恩(自2017年10月起上任)計劃在越南2017年11月及時允許新西蘭政府禁止外國投機者購買新西蘭現有房屋。她說:「我們的觀點是,通過放寬需求和禁止外國投機者購買現有房屋,同時實現我們的貿易目標,我們將有可能在確保我們提供負擔得起的住房的願望之間取得平衡。」[58]

美國退出

[編輯]
關於美國退出跨太平洋夥伴關係談判和協議的總統備忘錄(2017年)

2016年美國總統選舉演講中,共和黨提名人特朗普發誓如果當選要讓美國從TPP撤出。他認為,該協議將破壞美國經濟及其獨立性。[59][60]2016年11月21日,特朗普在視頻信息中介紹了「將美國放在首位」的經濟戰略,稱他將談判「公平的雙邊貿易協議,將就業和工業帶回美國海岸」。作為該計劃的一部分,特朗普在上任的第一天就證實了他打算讓美國退出TPP。[61][62][63]米奇·麥康諾申明,在特朗普就職前的國會跛腳鴨會議期間不會考慮TPP。[64]

特朗普總統簽署總統備忘錄[Note 2]後於2017年1月23日退出TPP。[65]美國參議員約翰·席德尼·麥凱恩三世批評稱「這將發出一個令人不安的信號,表明美國在我們最負擔不起的時候退出亞太地區。」[66]但美國參議員伯尼·桑德斯對退出表示讚賞,稱「在過去30年中,我們達成了一系列貿易協議[...],這些協議使我們失去了數百萬體面的工作崗位,並引發了一場『爭奪底部',這降低了美國工人的工資。」[67]

美國輿論

[編輯]

在2018年對一般對外貿易進行的一項研究中,研究人員發現,相當多美國人認為對外貿易有利於美國的增長,而非外國威脅。[68]然而,在國際背景下,美國人通常是最不可能支持TPP的。美國公眾在支持貿易協議方面存在明顯的黨派分歧,那些自認為是民主黨成員或在政治上獨立的人比共和黨成員更有可能對其持積極態度。此外,與年長者相比,年輕人更有可能支持它。[69]

特朗普總統表示反對將TPP作為其2016年選舉綱領的信條,提高了他的知名度[70]。有批評者表示雖然特朗普一直在努力遏制中國大陸的經濟和地緣戰略影響,但退出TPP降低了旨在實現這一目標的條約的有效性[71]

自由貿易在美國一直是一個有政治爭議的問題。[72]在2020年總統大選之後,聯邦政府的民選官員對TPP的熱情已經不高。[73]

新談判和CPTPP

[編輯]

美國退出後,TPP前途未卜。然而,一些簽署方表示他們打算在沒有美國參與的情況下重新制定TPP。[74]

2018年1月,美國之外的TPP其餘11方就修訂後的TPP達成一致,並更名CPTPP。CPTPP與TPP基本相同,只省略了在美國堅持下添加到TPP的20條條款。[75]這些規定主要涉及投資、政府採購和知識產權[76]

內容

[編輯]

潛在成員於2015年11月5日發佈了「受法律審查」的協議文本版本。[77]完整協議的部分草案此前曾向公眾洩露。[78]洩露文件中的許多條款都是以以前的貿易協定為藍本的。[來源請求]

已隱藏部分未翻譯內容,歡迎參與翻譯

The contents of the TPP go far beyond the standards drafted by the World Trade Organization. The TPP includes a negative-list of all sectors covered for the liberalizing trade, except for those clearly stated. The TPP includes new regulation for online commerce, treatment of foreign investors, far more comprehensive protection for intellectual property, labor codes, and an agreement for neutrality regarding state-owned enterprises.[79]

A 2016 study by University of Maryland political scientists Todd Allee and Andrew Lugg finds that out of the 74 previous trade agreements that TPP members signed since 1995, the text of the TPP most resembles that from earlier U.S. trade agreements.[80] A 2017 study found that the TPP scored high relative to other trade agreements in terms of a government's ability to freely legislate and implement regulations in given public policy domains.[81]


貿易壁壘

[編輯]

The agreement cuts over 18,000 tariffs.[82] Tariffs on all U.S. manufactured goods and almost all U.S. farm products would be eliminated completely, with most eliminations occurring immediately.[83] According to the Congressional Research Service, TPP "would be the largest U.S. FTA by trade flows ($905 billion in U.S. goods and services exports and $980 billion in imports in 2014)".[19] Including the US, the signatories represent roughly 40% of global GDP, and one-third of world trade.[84]

In addition, the agreement mandates expedited customs procedures for express shipments and prohibits customs duties from being applied to electronic transmissions. It also requires additional privacy, security, and consumer protections for online transactions and encourages the publication of online customs forms. These provisions are expected to be particularly beneficial to small businesses.[83]


環境保護

[編輯]

According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, the "TPP includes the most robust enforceable environment commitments of any trade agreement in history".[85] The USTR notes that the TPP requires signatories to fulfill their obligations under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) to protect and conserve iconic species.[85] According to the USTR, TPP is the first trade agreement to prohibit harmful fisheries subsidies, such as those that contribute to overfishing.[85] The USTR asserts that TPP signatories are required to "combat illegal fishing", "promote sustainable fisheries management practices", and "protect wetlands and important natural areas", "combat wildlife trafficking, illegal logging, and illegal fishing" and "protect the marine environment from ship pollution, including by implementing their obligations under MARPOL (an international agreement to prevent marine pollution)".[85]

Morin and Baumier of the Canada Research Chair in International Political Economy (writing for the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development) argue that while the TPP contains an impressive number of environmental provisions and a wide range of environmental protection areas, very few of these standards are innovative, most of which being copied from previous US agreements, and that the TPP missed an opportunity to be an original and progressive contribution to the environmental agenda. However, the TPP is innovative in its utilization of a combination of the American and the European approaches in environmental protection. Indeed, in doing so, the TPP became much more detailed and specific than regular US agreements while being legally more enforceable than European agreements.[86]

In 2013 when TPP was still being negotiated, Sierra Club's director of responsible trade, Ilana Solomon, argued that the TPP "could directly threaten our climate and our environment [including] new rights that would be given to corporations, and new constraints on the fossil fuel industry all have a huge impact on our climate, water, and land."[87] Upon the release of a draft of the Environment Chapter in January 2014, the Natural Resources Defense Council and the World Wide Fund for Nature joined with the Sierra Club in criticizing the TPP.[88] After the announcement of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on 25 September 2015 and the finalisation of the TPP a week later, critics discussed the interactions between the SDGs and the TPP. While one critic sees the TPP as providing a mixed bag of benefits and drawbacks to the SDGs,[89] another regards the TPP as being incompatible with the SDGs, highlighting that if the development provisions clash with any other aspect of the TPP, the other aspect takes priority.[90] The Friends of the Earth have spoken out against the TPP.[91][92]

The White House has cited supportive statements from the World Wildlife Fund頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館), the Nature Conservancy, the Humane Society, the Wildlife Conservation Society, Defenders of Wildlife, International Fund for Animal Welfare, World Animal Protection and other environmental groups in favor of the TPP.[93][94] The Peterson Institute for International Economics argues that the TPP is "the most environmentally friendly trade deal ever negotiated."[95] In regards to ISDS, PIIE analysts note that there is little evidence of constraints on environmental policies resulting from ISDS litigation.[96]

A September 2016 report by the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP) predicts that "as countries take action to protect the climate, conflicts between trade rules and climate goals will escalate".[97]:1 The report goes on to say that trade agreements like the TPP set broad-reaching rules for the economy and government policy, thereby expanding trade, often in extractive sectors, and protecting corporations and financial firms from future measures to stabilize the climate.[97]

治理

[編輯]

According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, signatories are required to join the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC); criminalize bribery of public officials; have in place a code of conduct for public officials; take measures to decrease conflicts of interest; effectively enforce anti-corruption laws and regulations; and involve private organizations in the fight against corruption.[98]

人權

[編輯]

According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, the TPP prohibits exploitative child labor and forced labor; ensures the right to collective bargaining; and prohibits employment discrimination.[99] The USTR asserts that "research by the International Labor Organization and the World Trade Organization finds that combining expanded trade opportunities with strong protections for workers can help workers move from informal-sector jobs into formal work in wage-paying, regulated export industries which offer a minimum wage, benefits, and safety programs".[99] The USTR asserts that "research also shows that trade improves human rights conditions by fostering pluralistic institutions and increasing open exchanges of information."[99]

PolitiFact rates President Obama's claim that due to the Trans-Pacific Partnership "we've got a country like Malaysia taking really serious efforts to crack down on human trafficking" as "mostly true".[100] PolitiFact notes that Malaysia began to comply with the TPP in June 2015, amending its law to improve the treatment of trafficking victims.[100] Among the changes, Malaysia gave victims better access to government shelters, transitional housing and more victim-friendly restitution procedures.[100] Malaysia has also taken steps to stop human trafficking within the construction industry.[100]

In August 2017, Reuters reported that the Vietnamese government was intensifying repression of human rights, in part because of the Trump administration's decision to drop the Trans-Pacific Partnership.[101] Membership of the TPP had previously encouraged Vietnam to show a good human rights record.[101]

知識產權

[編輯]

The intellectual property section of a leaked draft of the TPP lays out a minimum level of protection parties to the Agreement must grant for trademarks, copyright, and patents.[102] Copyright is granted at a length of life of the author plus 70 years,[102] and requires countries to set criminal penalties for violating copyright protections such as Digital Rights Management.[103]

According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, the TPP will spur innovation by requiring signatories to establish strong patentability standard and adopt strong copyright protections.[104]

Walter Park, Professor of Economics at American University, argues, based on the existing literature, that the pharmaceutical protections in TPP will potentially enhance unaffiliated licensing in developing countries, lead to tech transfers that contribute to local learning-by-doing, stimulate new drug launches in more countries, expand marketing and distribution networks, and encourage early-stage pharmaceutical innovations.[105]

As of December 2011, some provisions relating to the enforcement of patents and copyrights alleged to be present in the US proposal for the agreement had been criticised as being excessively restrictive, beyond those in the Korea–US trade agreement and Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA).[106][107]

The Electronic Frontier Foundation[107] was highly critical of the leaked draft chapter on intellectual property covering copyright, trademarks, and patents. In the US, they believed this was likely to further entrench controversial aspects of US copyright law (such as the Digital Millennium Copyright Act) and restrict the ability of Congress to engage in domestic law reform to meet the evolving intellectual property needs of American citizens and the innovative technology sector. Standardization of copyright provisions by other signatories would also require significant changes to other countries' copyright laws. These, according to EFF, include obligations for countries to expand copyright terms, restrict fair use, adopt criminal sanctions for copyright infringement that is done without a commercial motivation (ex. file sharing of copyrighted digital media), place greater liability on internet intermediaries, escalate protections for digital locks and create new threats for journalists and whistleblowers.[107]

Both the copyright term expansion and the non-complaint provision (i.e., competent authorities may initiate legal action without the need for a formal complaint) previously failed to pass in Japan because they were so controversial.[108] In early 2015, "a group of artists, archivists, academics, and activists ... in Japan [asked] their negotiators to oppose requirements in the TPP that would require their country, and five of the other 11 nations negotiating this secretive agreement, to expand their copyright terms to match the United States' already excessive length of copyright."[108] The final agreement nonetheless sets a term of copyright equal to the one that obtains under U.S. law—life of the author plus 70 years.

Ken Akamatsu, creator of Japanese manga series Love Hina and Mahou Sensei Negima!, expressed concern the agreement could decimate the derivative dōjinshi (self-published) works prevalent in Japan. Akamatsu argued that the TPP "would destroy derivative dōjinshi. And as a result, the power of the entire manga industry would also diminish."[109]

藥品

[編輯]

In May 2015, Nobel Memorial prize winning economist Paul Krugman expressed concern that the TPP would tighten the patent laws and allow corporations such as big pharmaceutical companies and Hollywood to gain advantages, in terms of increasing rewards, at the cost of consumers, and that people in developing countries would not be able to access the medicines under the TPP regime.[110] However, Walter Park, Professor of Economics at American University, argues that it is far from clear in economic research that this would necessarily happen: clarifying intellectual property rights on drugs, for some developing countries, has not led to greater prices and less access to drugs.[105] Park also argues, based on the existing literature, that the pharmaceutical protections in TPP will potentially enhance unaffiliated licensing in developing countries, lead to tech transfers that contribute to local learning-by-doing, stimulate new drug launches in more countries, expand marketing and distribution networks, and encourage early stage pharmaceutical innovations.[105] The Office of the United States Trade Representative notes that the TPP "aligns with the Doha Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health", which allows developing countries to circumvent patent rights for better access to essential medicines.[104]

Pharmaceutical companies have criticized TPP for having too lenient intellectual property protections.[105][111][112][113]

In July 2015, an editorial in the New England Journal of Medicine cited concerns by Médecins sans Frontières and Oxfam that a spike in drug prices caused by patent extensions could threaten millions of lives.[114] Extending "data exclusivity" provisions would "prevent drug regulatory agencies such as the Food and Drug Administration from registering a generic version of a drug for a certain number of years." The article arugues that TPP could theoretically require corporations be paid compensation for any "lost profits" found to result from a nation's health regulations.[114] The article argues that the provisions in the TPP concerning generic drugs directly target India's pharmaceutical industry.[114] Doctors Without Borders said in November 2015 that it was "extremely concerned about the inclusion of dangerous provisions that would dismantle public health safeguards enshrined in international law and restrict access to price-lowering generic medicines for millions of people."[115][116] The Australian Public Health Association (PHAA) published a media release in February 2014 that highlighted "the ways in which some of the expected economic gains from the TPPA may be undermined by poor health outcomes, and the economic costs associated with these poor health outcomes."[117]

A number of United States Congressional members,[118] including Senator Bernie Sanders[119] and Representatives Sander M. Levin, John Conyers, Jim McDermott and the now-retired Henry Waxman, as well as[120] John Lewis, Charles B. Rangel, Earl Blumenauer, Lloyd Doggett and then-congressman Pete Stark,[121] have expressed concerns about access to medicine. By protecting intellectual property in the form of the TPP mandating patent extensions, access by patients to affordable medicine in the developing world could be hindered, particularly in Vietnam.[118] Additionally, they worried that the TPP would not be flexible enough to accommodate existing non-discriminatory drug reimbursement programs and the diverse health systems of member countries.[121] In February 2015, former U.S. Labor Secretary Robert Reich stated he opposed the TPP because it would delay cheaper generic versions of drugs and because of its provisions for international tribunals that can require corporations be paid "compensation for any lost profits found to result from a nation's regulations."[122]

投資者-國家仲裁

[編輯]

The TPP agreement establishes an investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism,[123] which grants investors the right to sue foreign governments for treaty violations. For example, if an investor invests in country "A", a member of a trade treaty, and country A breaches that treaty, then the investor may sue country A's government for the breach.[124] ISDS is meant to provide investors in foreign countries basic protections from foreign government actions such as "freedom from discrimination", "protection against uncompensated expropriation of property", "protection against denial of justice" and "right to transfer capital":[125][126]

  • Freedom from discrimination: An assurance that those doing business abroad will face a level playing field and will not be treated less favorably than local investors or competitors from other countries.
  • Protection against uncompensated seizure of property: An assurance that property of investors won't be seized by the government without just compensation.
  • Protection against denial of justice: An assurance that investors will not be denied justice in criminal, civil, or administrative adjudicatory proceedings.
  • Right to transfer capital: An assurance that investors will be able to move capital relating to their investments freely, subject to safeguards to provide government flexibility, including to respond to financial crises and ensure the integrity and stability of the financial system.

ISDS cannot ask governments to overturn local laws (unlike the World Trade Organization) which violate trade agreements,[96][127] but can grant monetary damages to investors adversely affected by such laws.[128] As pointed out by the Office of the United States Trade Representative, ISDS requires specific treaty violations, and does not allow corporations to sue solely over "lost profits".[126]

The TPP specifically excludes tobacco industries from the ISDS process.[129] The carve-out came as a response to concerns about ISDS cases against anti-smoking laws, including Philip Morris v. Uruguay.[130] The exemption of tobacco from ISDS is a first for an international trade agreement.[129]

On the basis of leaks, economists Joseph Stiglitz and Adam S. Hersh criticized the ISDS provisions of the TPP for interfering with the ability of governments to prevent public harm, alleging that if asbestos been discovered today, governments would have been unable to impose regulations without creating grounds for an ISDS suit.[131] Stiglitz also claimed that the TPP would give oil companies the right to sue governments for efforts to reduce carbon emissions and global warming.[132]

In November 2015, Columbia professor Jeffrey Sachs concluded that the ISDS system of the TPP grants huge power to investors, and damages the judicial systems of all the member countries. He alleges that ISDS has been already used by corporations to upset governments so as to weaken the regulations that have negative effects on their profits.[133] In February 2016, Lise Johnson and Lisa Sachs of the Columbia Center on Sustainable Investment and Jeffrey Sachs of the Earth Institute allege that foreign corporations can sue a national government in international arbitration over a government's actions if the measures (including those for public health, national security, environment, food and drug, and responses to economic crises) have a negative effect on their profits and economic interests.[134] Lori Wallach of Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch raised similar concerns while TPP was being negotiated.[135]

In a February 2016 op-ed against the TPP, Senator Elizabeth Warren used the example of a French company suing Egypt because Egypt raised its minimum wage as an argument against the ISDS provisions of the TPP.[136] The Washington Post's editorial board has, however, challenged this characterization of the case, noting that "Veolia of France, a waste management company, invoked ISDS to enforce a contract with the government of Alexandria, Egypt, that it says required compensation if costs increased; the company maintains that the wage increases triggered this provision. Incidentally, Veolia was working with Alexandria on a World Bank-supported project to reduce greenhouse gases, not some corporate plot to exploit the people. The case — which would result, at most, in a monetary award to Veolia, not the overthrow of the minimum wage — remains in litigation."[137]

The Office of the United States Trade Representative challenges the notion that ISDS challenges "the sovereign ability of governments impose any measure they wish to protect labor rights, the environment, or other issues of public welfare".[126] The International Bar Association (IBA) mirrors these sentiments, noting that "while investment treaties limit states』 ability to inflict arbitrary or discriminatory treatment, they do not limit (and, in fact, expressly safeguard) a state's sovereign right to regulate in the public interest in a fair, reasonable, and non-discriminatory manner."[127] The White House notes that investment protections are a component of more than 3,000 trade agreements, the vast majority of which have some form of neutral arbitration.[138] The United States is party to at least 50 such agreements, has only faced 13 ISDS cases and never lost an ISDS case.[138] The White House asserts that the ISDS components of the TPP are an upgrade and improvement on ISDS in other trade agreements: TPP makes it absolutely clear that governments can regulate in the public interest (including with regard to health, safety and the environment); TPP includes the ability to dismiss frivolous claims quickly and award fees against the claimant to deter such suits; sham corporations will be prevented from accessing the investment protections; and arbitration proceedings under TPP will be open to the public and allow for inputs from non-parties.[138]

The Peterson Institute for International Economics argues that "the ISDS provisions in the TPP are a significant improvement over those in previous agreements".[96] PIIE notes that the ISDS mechanism in the TPP respects environmental, health, and safety regulation; ensures the transparency of dispute proceedings; and eliminates forum shopping.[96] PIIE asserts that some of the innovations in the ISDS provisions of TPP "are generally disliked by the US business community."[96] PIIE claims that ISDS provisions are necessary, as they boost investment: "empirical evidence has shown that treaties including these provisions have a positive effect on foreign direct investment (FDI) flows between signatory countries."[139] PIIE challenges the claim that ISDS "arbitrators lack integrity", noting that arbitrators take an oath of impartiality and both sides of a case choose arbitrators.[96] PIIE agrees "that secrecy has gone too far" in many ISDS cases, but notes that "TPP negotiators heeded this criticism" and opened up ISDS cases to greater transparency.[96]

According to the International Bar Association (IBA), states have won a higher percentage of ISDS cases than investors, and that around one-third of all cases end in settlement.[127] Claimant investors, when successful, recover on average less than half of the amounts claimed.[127] IBA notes that "only 8 per cent of ISDS proceedings are commenced by very large multinational corporations."[127] IBA challenges the notion that ISDS is biased against developing countries, noting that there is "no correlation between the success rates of claims against states and their income levels or development status."[127] IBA notes that ISDS is necessary even in countries with sophisticated domestic legal systems because those domestic courts rule according to domestic laws, not international law.[127] IBA notes that "increasingly, awards require the losing party to pay arbitration costs and legal fees to the winning party", which deters investors from initiating unmeritorious cases.[127]

勞工標準

[編輯]

According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, the TPP imposes "binding and fully enforceable obligations" on signatories to "protect the freedom to form unions and bargain collectively" and "eliminate exploitative child labor and forced labor protect against employment discrimination".[140] The obligations include "laws on acceptable conditions of work related to minimum wages, hours of work, and occupational safety and health."[140] The USTR insists that if countries like Malaysia and Vietnam do not enforce provisions relating to forced labor, human trafficking and collective bargaining, they will cease to get the economic benefits of the TPP agreement.[141]

The Peterson Institute for International Economics asserts that "the TPP includes more protections of labor rights than any previous US free trade agreement."[142] In January 2016, Human Rights Watch said that the TPP side agreements with Vietnam, Malaysia, and Brunei "are a unique and significant step in efforts to protect labor rights in trade agreements" but noted that enforcement of these rules remains to be seen: "gauging compliance will require subjective assessments by the US that may take years to carry out and face obstacles arising from foreign policy objectives, commercial interests, and other political considerations."[143]

Dartmouth economics Professor Emily J. Blanchard argues that while the TPP has been roundly criticized on the political left, progressives should actually be supportive of the TPP: "The TPP’s promise of a new progressive rule book – one that includes enforceable agreements against child labor and workplace discrimination, measures to punish illegal logging and trade in protected species, and protections against consumer fraud – would mark a substantial step forward in the progressive policy agenda on the global stage."[144]

In May 2015, U.S. congressman Sander Levin argued that it is difficult to enforce trade deals, as he questioned Vietnam's willingness to meet the labour standards of TPP.[145] A report by U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren said that there was a huge gap between the labor standards of past US free trade agreements and the actual enforcement of those provisions.[145] However, PIIE analysts note that research shows that the presence of "sticks" (a possible suspension of trade benefits) and "carrots" (technical assistance) in trade deals increase the likelihood that labor obligations in trade deals have a positive effect; there are both sticks and carrots present in TPP.[146]

監管合作

[編輯]

Even though the TPP had not been passed, the agreement had already introduced forms of regulatory cooperation for agriculture beyond that found in the WTO.[147] This means that regulators in different TPP signatories have been engaging with each other and building trust.[147] Chad P. Bown, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, argues that this regulatory cooperation meant that the US poultry industry was not as hard-hit by the 2015 bird flu outbreak, as regulators in TPP countries cooperated and continued to accept US exports of poultry.[147]

經濟影響

[編輯]

美國國際貿易委員會彼得森國際經濟研究所世界銀行加拿大全球事務部首席經濟學家辦公室發現,最終協議如果獲得批准,將帶來淨積極結果。[148][12][149]

歐盟

[編輯]

歐盟試圖與每個加入TPP的經濟體達成貿易協定:自2013年以來,歐盟和日本之間一直在就自由貿易協定進行談判,2015年歐盟提出了改善南美貿易的新戰略亞太地區題為「全民貿易」。[150]

中國大陸

[編輯]

2020年11月,中國大陸與14個亞太國家簽署了一項貿易協議,即區域全面經濟夥伴關係協定[151]

已隱藏部分未翻譯內容,歡迎參與翻譯

According to a 2020 study, the TPP pushed China to introduce its own internal liberal market reforms. Reform-minded elites in China used the TPP to justify reform.[152] In anticipation of China's exclusion from the agreement, exposed Chinese firms began investing in production in TPP member states.[153]

經濟平等

[編輯]

In 2013, Nobel Memorial prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz warned that, based on leaked drafts of the TPP, it "serves the interests of the wealthiest."[154][155] Organised labour in the U.S. argued, during the negotiations, that the trade deal would largely benefit corporations at the expense of workers in the manufacturing and service industries.[156] The Economic Policy Institute and the Center for Economic and Policy Research have argued that the TPP could result in job losses and declining wages.[157][158]

Economists Peter A. Petri and Michael G. Plummer challenge the view that TPP will primarily benefit the wealthy. Their analysis finds that "the gains from TPP appear to be fairly distributed—labour will gain relative to capital, and cost reductions will favour low-income households. Some workers will need to change jobs, but they constitute a small fraction of normal job churn in any given year, and the national benefits argue for generous compensation for their adjustment costs. The agreement will also benefit workers in TPP's poorest member countries."[159] Research by Harvard economist Robert Z. Lawrence finds that the "percentage gains for labor income from the TPP will be slightly greater than the gains to capital income. Households in all quintiles will benefit by similar percentages, but once differences in spending shares are taken into account, the percentage gains to poor and middle-class households will be slightly larger than the gains to households at the top."[160][161] An opinion piece by Ed Gerwin in The Wall Street Journal argues that the TPP agreement benefits small businesses in the US.[83]

Economists David Autor, David Dorn and Gordon H. Hanson, who have extensively studied US labor markets adjustments to trade competition shocks caused by China,[162] support TPP.[163] They argue that TPP "would promote trade in knowledge-intensive services in which U.S. companies exert a strong comparative advantage", note that "killing the TPP would do little to bring factory work back to America" and argue that it would pressure China to raise regulatory rules and standards to those of TPP members.[163]

According to the U.S. International Trade Commission, the TPP will have positive effects on the U.S. economy as a whole, with unskilled labor reaping 25% of the gains, skilled workers 41% and business owners 34%.[164]

宏觀經濟學

[編輯]

世界銀行報告

[編輯]

世界銀行發現,如果簽署方批准,TPP協議到2030年可使其成員GDP平均提高1.1%。還可以在2030年前將成員貿易增加11%,代表一個提振區域貿易增長從1990-07年的10%放緩至2010-14年的平均5%。[148]世界銀行發現,該協議將提高所有簽署方的實際工資:「例如,在美國,預計實際工資的變化很小,因為到2030年,非熟練和熟練的工資將分別增長0.4%和0.6%。相比之下,在越南,隨着非熟練勞動力(例如紡織品)的生產密集型轉移到越南,到2030年,TPP可以將非熟練工人的實際工資提高14%以上。」[148]

已隱藏部分未翻譯內容,歡迎參與翻譯

美國國際貿易委員會估計

[編輯]

The U.S. International Trade Commission estimates that "TPP would have positive effects, albeit small as a percentage of the overall size of the U.S. economy".[12] There will be 128,000 more full-time jobs.[164] By 2032, U.S. annual real income would increase by 0.23%, real GDP would be $42.7 billion or 0.15% higher, employment would be 0.07% higher, US exports would increase 1%, and imports would increase 1.1%.[12] The report added, "TPP would generally establish trade-related disciplines that strengthen and harmonize regulations, increase certainty, and decrease trade costs for firms that trade and invest in the TPP region."[12] Vietnam is often seen as the biggest beneficiary of TPP.[165][166][21] The U.S. International Trade Commission identifies the following US industries as net beneficiaries of TPP: Passenger cars; Apparel, Dairy production; Retailers and Wholesalers; and Business services; and as net losers: Auto parts; Textiles; Soybean production; Transportation and tourism; and Chemicals and drugs.[12][167]


加拿大全球事務部首席經濟學家辦公室報告

[編輯]

According to a report by the Office of the Chief Economist at Global Affairs Canada, ratification of TPP would increase Canada's GDP by $4.3 billion by 2040.[15][168] This is primarily due to the preferential access it would receive to markets in the Asia-Pacific rim.[15][168] According to the report, ratification by the other TPP signatories but a failure by Canada to ratify the agreement would lead Canada to face estimated GDP losses of $5.3 billion by 2040.[15][168]


Peterson Institute for International Economics report

[編輯]

Economists Peter A. Petri and Michael G. Plummer of the Peterson Institute for International Economics project that the TPP would increase incomes in the U.S. by $131 billion annually, or 0.5 percent of GDP. Exports from the U.S. would increase by $357 billion annually, or 9.1 percent, as a result of the agreement.[149] However, two Tufts University economists argue that the research by Petri relies on unrealistic assumptions such as full employment: lost jobs will be immediately replaced in other industrial sectors.[169] According to Harvard economist Dani Rodrik, "Petri and Plummer assume that labor markets are sufficiently flexible that job losses in adversely affected parts of the economy are necessarily offset by job gains elsewhere. Unemployment is ruled out from the start – a built-in outcome of the model that TPP proponents often fudge."[16] Rodrik notes that "the Petri-Plummer model is squarely rooted in decades of academic trade modeling, which makes a sharp distinction between microeconomic effects (shaping resource allocation across sectors) and macroeconomic effects (related to overall levels of demand and employment). In this tradition, trade liberalization is a microeconomic "shock" that affects the composition of employment, but not its overall level."[16]


塔夫茨大學報告

[編輯]

Tufts University researchers project the TPP would have a negative impact on employment: 450,000 US jobs, 75,000 Japanese jobs, 58,000 Canadian jobs and 5,000 New Zealand jobs would be lost by 2025.[169] According to the report, 771,000 jobs would be lost in total and positive economic effects would be negligible for participating countries.[169][170]

Harvard economist Robert Z. Lawrence says that the model used by the Tufts researchers "is simply not suited for credibly predicting the effects of the TPP" and argues that the model used by Petri and Plummer is superior.[17] Lawrence argues that the model used by the Tufts researchers "does not have the granularity that allows it to estimate variables such as exports, imports, foreign direct investment, and changes in industrial structure. As a result, its predictions ignore the benefits to the TPP economies that occur through increased specialization, the realization of scale economies, and improved consumer choice."[17] Lawrence also notes that the model used by the Tufts researchers finds that the TPP will cause GDP to fall by 5.24% in non-TPP developing countries, such as China, India, and Indonesia, which Lawrence is highly skeptical of: "It is not believable that a trade agreement of this magnitude could cause the rest of the world to plummet into recession."[17] Harvard economist Dani Rodrik, a well-known skeptic of globalization, says that the Tufts researchers do "a poor job of explaining how their model works, and the particulars of their simulation are somewhat murky... the Capaldo framework lacks sectoral and country detail; its behavioral assumptions remain opaque; and its extreme Keynesian assumptions sit uneasily with its medium-term perspective."[16]

Fredrik Erixon and Matthias Bauer of the European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE) write that the Tufts analysis has such serious flaws "that its results should neither be regarded reliable nor realistic."[18] They write that Tufts model is "by and large a demand-driven model that does not make efforts to capture the supply-side effects of trade, which are the effects that are proven to be the core positive effects of trade liberalisation. Equally problematic, the model is not designed to assess the effect on trade from trade agreements – in fact, the model is profoundly ill suited for such an exercise. No trade economist, regardless what school of thought he or she comes from, has ever used this model to make estimates of trade. The reason is simple: if a model cannot predict the effects on the flows and profile of trade as a consequence of trade liberalisation, it is of no use at all."[18] They add, "In Capaldo’s analysis, structural change and the emergence of new industries do not play a role at all. Capaldo implicitly assumes that an economy with its labour and capital does not respond and adjust to new circumstances. New competition only leads to new unemployment. In addition, the impact of lower barriers on international commerce on product and process innovation is neglected. Finally, Capaldo does not account for the impact of competition on the cost of production and final consumer prices."[18]

According to the Congressional Research Service, "The Tufts study has drawn particular criticism as an unconventional framework for analyzing trade agreements, whereas Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models, such as that used in the Peterson study are standard in trade policy analysis."[19] Fabio Ghironi, Professor in Economics at the University of Washington, describes the models used by the World Bank and the Peterson Institute in more favorable terms than the Tufts analysis.[20]

自由化

[編輯]

According to an analysis by the Cato Institute of the chapters of the TPP, 15 chapters have a liberalizing impact, 5 have a protectionist impact, and 2 have a neutral impact.[171] Considered as a whole, the terms of the TPP are net liberalizing.[171]

There have been conflicting arguments on whether or not the TPP aims to increase the liberalization of trade. For arguments that propose that the TPP succeeds at liberalizing trade among the participating nations, there is a question of whether or not this causes a positive or a negative net change. Some scholars argue that participatory members of the TPP believe that such membership is a utilitarian and practical method toward new trade liberalization.[172] Scholars Peter Petri and Michael Plummer describe the TPP as a "dynamic process - and example of competitive liberalization," and this liberalization described can result in a new type of governance for the Asia-Pacific, as well as transnational trade.[173]

According to analyst and economist B.R. Williams, the United States has a large role in the reduction of trade barriers and increased U.S. investment. Williams explains that the U.S. aims to create a "broader platform for trade liberalization, particularly throughout the Asia-Pacific region."[174] Scholars C. Li and J. Whalley explore a numerical approach in explaining the liberalizing effects of the TPP. Li and Whalley uses a quantitative equilibrium simulation to explore the effects of the TPP on the liberalization of trade and new markets.[175]

地緣政治

[編輯]

TPP將增加日本進行經濟改革以重振經濟的可能性,再加上韓國可能加入TPP,可能會對中國大陸產生經濟影響。通過降低中國大陸經濟競爭力、降低北京領導層制定東亞和東南亞貿易規則的可能性,北京將承受巨大的內部和外部壓力來實現經濟自由化。[22]日本前首相安倍晉三認為,未來中國大陸加入TPP將對亞太地區產生重大的安撫影響。[23]

已隱藏部分未翻譯內容,歡迎參與翻譯

U.S. Trade Representative Michael Froman said that a failure to ratify the TPP would give China the opportunity to boost its exports and set labor and environmental standards in the fast-growing Asia Pacific region through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).[176]

South Korea did not participate in the TPP "largely out of a concern to maintain balance in its economic relations with China and the United States" but showed greater interest in joining after Japan, its biggest economic competitor, decided to participate.[21] The Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, and Taiwan also reportedly considered and implemented various domestic reforms to improve their prospects for eventually joining.[177]

Since formal TPP negotiations began in 2010, China's attitude towards TPP has:

swung from disdain to suspicion to cautious embrace... Conclusion of a TPP agreement in early October has sparked a lively debate in Beijing, with the weight of elite opinion seeming to tilt toward eventual membership; for example, the head of the Chinese-sponsored Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), Jin Liqun, announced his support during a speech in Washington shortly after the TPP deal was announced.[21]

The TPP may give renewed impetus to trade negotiations among China, Japan, and Korea, and increase the likelihood of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) which could provide a possible pathway to a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific.[21]

In January 2016, the National Association of Manufacturers announced its support for TPP, saying "without such an agreement, the United States would be ceding economic leadership to other global powers, letting them set the rules of economic engagement in the region".[178]

A 2016 study by University of Maryland political scientists Todd Allee and Andrew Lugg suggested that if the TPP became standard legal text, it would shape future trade cooperation and agreements.[80]

An October 2016 survey of international relations scholars showed that the overwhelming majority supported the TPP.[179]

美國考量

[編輯]

The original TPP was thought by some to likely bring China's neighbours closer to the United States and reduce their dependence on Chinese trade.[165][166][21][22][23][180][181][24][182][183] If ratified, the TPP would have strengthened American influence on future rules for the global economy. US Secretary of Defense Ash Carter claimed the passage of the TPP to be as valuable to the United States as the creation of another aircraft carrier.[21] President Obama has argued "if we don't pass this agreement—if America doesn't write those rules—then countries like China will".[184] According to the Congressional Research Service, "many Asian policymakers—correctly or not—could interpret a failure of TPP in the United States as a symbol of declining U.S. interest in the region and inability to assert leadership... failure to conclude TPP could, in effect, allow China to shape regional rules of commerce and diplomacy through its own trade and investment initiatives, potentially creating regional rules and norms less beneficial for U.S. interests."[19] Michael J. Green and Matthew P. Goodman argue that "history will be unforgiving if TPP fails... If Congress rejects TPP, trying to negotiate a similar arrangement in Asia would reopen demands on the United States—and in the meantime, would likely give impetus to alternative arrangements like RCEP that exclude the United States. Momentum behind the U.S.-led international order would shift to momentum against it. Future generations of historians will take note of U.S. leadership at this moment."[21] Dan Ikenson, director of Cato's Herbert A. Stiefel Center for Trade Policy Studies, argued in July 2016 that the "failure of Congress to ratify the Trans-Pacific Partnership this year would do more to subvert U.S. regional and global interests than anything China is capable of doing."[177] Stephen M. Walt, professor of international relations at Harvard University, writing after the Trump Administration abandoned the TPP, described the TPP as "a key institution that would have bound a number of Asian countries more tightly to the United States".[182]

來自TPP簽署方之外的意見

[編輯]

On 30 January 2015 Philip Hammond, the former Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, described the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership as "potentially important liberalising steps forward".[185]

The European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE), a think tank on European policies, predicted in 2012 that the TPP would be a "deadly threat to European exporters of agricultural products in TPP countries".[186]

ECIPE has said in 2014 that TPP "will be the first 'competing' economic integration that is large enough to have a considerable negative impact on Europe. In the long-term, the negative effects will come from dynamic impact, e.g. on investment, productivity and competitiveness".[187] Pascal Lamy called the TPP "the last of big old-style trade agreements".[187]:2

Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev was reportedly critical of the TPP, saying that "the WTO is being encroached upon" and this might lead to the "destruction of world trade".[來源請求]

批評

[編輯]
已隱藏部分未翻譯內容,歡迎參與翻譯

In 2014, Nobel Memorial Prize-winning economist Paul Krugman said "there isn't a compelling case for this deal, from either a global or a national point of view."[188]

In February 2016, United Nations' human rights expert Alfred de Zayas argued that the TPP was fundamentally flawed and was based on an outdated model of trade pacts, and that governments should not sign or ratify the TPP.[189] According to de Zayas, the international human rights regime imposes binding legal obligations on countries, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and trade must be done under the human rights regime. Under the ISDS in the TPP, investors can sue a government, while a government cannot sue investors. De Zayas argued that this asymmetry made the system unfair. He added that international law, including accountability and transparency, must prevail over trade pacts.

貨幣操縱

[編輯]

Some critics and even supporters of the TPP wanted the deal to contain measures that would crack down on nations who engage in alleged currency manipulation, notably China.[190] However, Daniel Drezner, professor of international politics at Tufts University, has argued that the trade deal was never likely to include restrictions on currency manipulation, as it would have restricted U.S. monetary policy.[191] Harvard economist Jeffrey Frankel has argued that the inclusion of currency manipulation language in TPP would be a mistake.[192] Frankel noted that currency manipulation would be hard to enforce (in part because it is impossible to tell whether a currency is overvalued or undervalued); "currency manipulation" can often be legitimate; China, often alleged to be a major currency manipulator, is not party to the TPP; currency manipulation accusations are often meritless; and because it would restrict U.S. monetary policy.[192]

協議文本冗長復雜

[編輯]

Donald Trump has criticized the TPP agreement for being too long and complicated, saying "[i]t's 5,600 pages long, so complex that nobody's read it."[193] Senator Bernie Sanders has charged that the "TPP is much more than a 'free trade' agreement."[194]

However, Georgetown University Professor Marc L. Busch and McGill University Professor Krzysztof J. Pelc note that modern trade deals are long and complex because they often tackle non-tariff barriers to trade, such as different standards and regulations, in addition to tariffs. Due to steadily decreasing tariff barriers since WWII, countries have become increasingly likely to enact trade barriers in the form of non-tariff barriers. National firms often lobby their own governments to enact regulations that are designed to keep out foreign firms. The TPP addresses many of these "disguised restrictions on trade" by, for instance, "basing these measures on agreed-upon science; making the process of formulating regulations more transparent; and giving foreign exporters opportunities to offer substantive input in the formulation of these measures."[195]

談判保密

[編輯]

As with many trade agreements[來源請求], until being finalized, negotiations for the TPP were conducted with significant secrecy. Drafts of the agreement were kept classified during negotiations, and access to the working text was significantly restricted even for government officials and business representatives involved in the talks.[196] Despite this, some sections of TPP drafts were leaked to the public by WikiLeaks, which published an intellectual property chapter draft in 2013,[197][198] an environmental chapter draft in 2014,[199] and the final intellectual property chapter in 2014.[200]

In 2012, critics such as Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch, a consumer advocacy group, called for more open negotiations in regard to the agreement. U.S. Trade Representative Ron Kirk responded that he believes the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) conducted "the most engaged and transparent process as we possibly could", but that "some measure of discretion and confidentiality" are needed "to preserve negotiating strength and to encourage our partners to be willing to put issues on the table they may not otherwise."[201] He dismissed the "tension" as natural and noted that when the Free Trade Area of the Americas drafts were released, negotiators were subsequently unable to reach a final agreement.[201]

On 23 May 2012, U.S. Senator Ron Wyden, Democrat of Oregon, introduced S. 3225, which would have required the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative to disclose its TPP documents to all members of Congress.[202] Had it passed, Wyden said that the bill would increase Congressional access to information about USTR activity.[203]

Michael R. Wessel, former commissioner on the U.S. Trade Deficit Review Commission claimed in May 2015 that "cleared advisors" like himself were "prohibited from sharing publicly the criticisms we’ve lodged about specific proposals and approaches". He claimed that only portions of the text had been provided, "to be read under the watchful eye of a USTR official", that access on secure government-run website did not contain the most-up-to-date information, and that for cleared advisors to get that information, he had "to travel to certain government facilities and sign in to read the materials" and "even then, the administration determines what we can and cannot review and, often, they provide carefully edited summaries rather than the actual underlying text, which is critical to really understanding the consequences of the agreement."[204]

In June 2015, U.S. Senator Rand Paul, Republican of Kentucky, opposed the bill to fast-track the congressional ratification of the TPP on the basis of the trade agreement's secrecy.[205]

行業影響力

[編輯]

U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren, Democrat of Massachusetts, has alleged that corporations and industry exert disproportionate influence on U.S. trade negotiators.[206] She asserted in July 2016 that 85% of seats on U.S. trade advisory committees were held by "senior corporation executives or industry lobbyists", and that the members of the committees "whisper in the ear" of negotiators.[206]

Michelle Ye Hee Lee, a fact-checker for The Washington Post, wrote that Warren used "misleading language" in describing the TPP. While Warren implied that "28 trade advisory committees were formed" specifically to influence the TPP, the advisory committees were actually created as part of the Trade Act of 1974; only the membership of the trade committees had changed during the Obama administration and the early phases of the TPP. Regarding Warren's claim that trade advisers secretly "whisper in the ear of our trade negotiators", Lee wrote: "while the direct meetings take place in private, committees still have to submit written reports to Congress and provide written recommendations and advice that are made public."[206] Furthermore, Lee wrote, "it is true that industry representatives make up a large number of the total membership, but it is worth noting that there is a labor committee in the second tier, labor representatives in the first tier and that the industry groups have a narrow focus (to give technical advice)."[206]

In response to criticisms about transparency and the large representation from industry representatives, USTR announced it would create a Public Interest Trade Advisory Committee.[206]

競業禁止條款

[編輯]

Dean Baker argued that Article 18.78, under which countries should ensure that they protect trade secrets and impose criminal procedures for violators, could be used to enforce non-compete agreements.[207] Baker points out that California's success can partly be attributed to the fact that the state did not allow for the enforcement of non-compete agreements, making it easy for tech workers to quit their jobs and start to work for another company.[207]

政治家的批評

[編輯]

In 2014, linguist and political activist Noam Chomsky warned that the TPP is "designed to carry forward the neoliberal project to maximize profit and domination, and to set the working people in the world in competition with one another so as to lower wages to increase insecurity."[208] Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT) argues that trade agreements like the TPP "have ended up devastating working families and enriching large corporations."[209] Professor and former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich contends that the TPP is a "Trojan horse in a global race to the bottom."[210][211][212]

參見

[編輯]
已隱藏部分未翻譯內容,歡迎參與翻譯

[編輯]
  1. ^ [13][14][15][16][17][18][19][20]
  2. ^ The official title of the document is: Presidential Memorandum Regarding Withdrawal of the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Negotiations and Agreement [1]頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館

參考

[編輯]
  1. ^ Trans-Pacific free trade deal agreed creating vast partnership. BBC News. 2015-10-05 [2015-10-05]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  2. ^ Handley, Paul. 12 Pacific countries seal huge free trade deal. Yahoo! News. AFP. 2015-10-05 [2015-10-07]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-09). 
  3. ^ US and 11 nations seal Pacific trade deal. Financial Times. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2021-02-16). the TPP must still be signed formally by the leader of each country and ratified by their parliaments 需付費查閱
  4. ^ Here's What Needs to Happen in Order for the Trans-Pacific Partnership to Become Binding. The Diplomat. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-22). 
  5. ^ Riley, Charles. Trump's decision to kill TPP leaves door open for China. CNN. 2017-01-23 [2017-01-23]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-12). 
  6. ^ Trump, Donald J. Withdrawal of the United States From the Trans- Pacific Partnership Negotiations and Agreement. Federal Register. 2017-01-25 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2017-01-27). 
  7. ^ Shaffer, Sri Jegarajah, Craig Dale, Leslie. TPP nations agree to pursue trade deal without US. CNBC. 2017-05-21 [2017-05-21]. (原始內容存檔於2019-07-03). 
  8. ^ hermesauto. Saving the Trans-Pacific Partnership: What are the TPP's prospects after the US withdrawal?. The Straits Times. 2017-05-21 [2017-05-21]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-17). 
  9. ^ Ming, Cheang. Global trade just had a 'one step forward, one step back' day. CNBC. 2018-03-09 [2018-03-10]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-15). 
  10. ^ Australia and the Trans-Pacific Partnership: what we do and don't know. The Guardian. 2015-10-06 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-21). 
  11. ^ Summary of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement. USTR. 2015-10-04 [2015-10-16]. (原始內容存檔於2016-12-22). 
  12. ^ 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement: Likely Impact on the U.S. Economy and on Specific Industry Sectors (PDF). United States International Trade Commission. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-11-23). 
  13. ^ Potential Macroeconomic Implications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (PDF). World Bank. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2016-02-12). 
  14. ^ Hufbauer, Gary Clyde. Why the Trans-Pacific Partnership isn't a bum deal. PBS. 2016-02-05 [2016-02-07]. (原始內容存檔於2017-09-30). 
  15. ^ 15.0 15.1 15.2 15.3 Staff writers. Trans-Pacific Partnership would boost GDP by $4.3 billion: study. [2016-09-10]. (原始內容存檔於2021-02-25). 
  16. ^ 16.0 16.1 16.2 16.3 Rodrik, Dani. The Trade Numbers Game. Project Syndicate. 2016-02-10 [2016-05-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-09-27). 
  17. ^ 17.0 17.1 17.2 17.3 Studies of TPP: Which Is Credible? | PIIE. piie.com. 2016-01-30 [2016-05-22]. (原始內容存檔於2022-03-17). 
  18. ^ 18.0 18.1 18.2 18.3 "Splendid Isolation" as Trade Policy: Mercantilism and Crude Keynesianism in "the Capaldo Study" of TTIP - ECIPE. [2016-08-10]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-10). 
  19. ^ 19.0 19.1 19.2 19.3 The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP): In Brief (PDF). Congressional Research Service. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-11-12). 
  20. ^ 20.0 20.1 TPP is a structural reform: Let's evaluate it with structural models. VoxEU.org. 2016-07-03 [2016-07-03]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-08). 
  21. ^ 21.0 21.1 21.2 21.3 21.4 21.5 21.6 21.7 Green, Michael J.; Goodman, Matthew P. After TPP: the Geopolitics of Asia and the Pacific. The Washington Quarterly. 2015-10-02, 38 (4): 19–34. ISSN 0163-660X. S2CID 155763676. doi:10.1080/0163660X.2015.1125827. 
  22. ^ 22.0 22.1 22.2 What Will the TPP Mean for China?. Foreign Policy. [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2016-06-02). 
  23. ^ 23.0 23.1 23.2 Perlez, Jane. U.S. Allies See Trans-Pacific Partnership as a Check on China. The New York Times. 2015-10-06 [2016-05-24]. ISSN 0362-4331. (原始內容存檔於2015-10-12). 
  24. ^ 24.0 24.1 Magnusson, Earl Anthony Wayne, Oliver. The Death of TPP: The Best Thing That Ever Happened to China. The National Interest. [2017-01-31]. (原始內容存檔於2017-02-03) (英語). 
  25. ^ Trans Pacific Partnership trade deal signed in Auckland. BBC News. 2016-02-04 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-12-01). 
  26. ^ Canada Joins Trans-Pacific Partnership Round (新聞稿). Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada. 3 December 2012 [13 December 2012]. (原始內容存檔於2017-06-15). Canada formally joined the TPP on October 8, 2012. 
  27. ^ Trump signs order withdrawing from TPP, reinstate 'Mexico City policy' on abortion. CNN.com. 2017-01-23 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-10-26). 
  28. ^ Trump executive order pulls out of TPP trade deal. BBC News. 2017-01-23 [2017-01-23]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-27) (英國英語). 
  29. ^ Trump to reconsider TPP trade pact. BBC News. 2018-04-13 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-09). 
  30. ^ Trump mulls major TPP backflip. news.com.au. 2018-04-12 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-28). 
  31. ^ Australian farmers shocked but cautious about news Trump wants 'another look' at the TPP. abc.net.au. 2018-04-13 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-09). 
  32. ^ Pramuk, Jacob. 'A ridiculous reversal': Top Democrats who sided with Trump on trade slam TPP move. cnbc.com. 2018-04-13 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-20). 
  33. ^ Nishikawa, Yoko. South Korea mulling U.S.-led TPP trade initiative: report. Reuters. 2010-11-13 [2010-11-15]. (原始內容存檔於2010-12-19). 
  34. ^ US requests Korea's joining of regional FTA. The Donga-A Ilbo. 2010-12-18 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2014-01-18). 
  35. ^ Seoul appears set to join Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. The Hankyoreh. 2013-10-04 [2013-10-06]. (原始內容存檔於2020-07-27). 
  36. ^ Taiwan aims to join Trans-Pacific Partnership: minister. 2010-11-10 [2010-11-13]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-14). 
  37. ^ Speech of President Aquino at the Council on Foreign Relations, New York City. 2010-09-23 [2010-11-02]. (原始內容存檔於2020-12-06). 
  38. ^ Colombia Hopes To Join TPP Negotiations. 2010-03-19 [2014-01-22]. (原始內容存檔於2013-12-15). 
  39. ^ Thailand's quest to join the TPPA 'will strengthen opposition'. [2013-02-04]. (原始內容存檔於2020-07-27). 
  40. ^ US-ASEAN businessmen lobby Indonesia on TPP. The Jakarta Post. 2013-06-25 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-07-29). 
  41. ^ Sobhan, Md Abus. Trans Pacific Partnership the way forward. Dhaka Tribune. 2013-09-15 [2013-09-19]. (原始內容存檔於2016-03-24). 
  42. ^ Kumar, Arun. 'India's admission to TPP would be an economic coup'. Business Standard. 2013-08-02 [2013-09-19]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-19). 
  43. ^ Hookway, James; Brereton-Fukui, Natasha. Trade Is Also Key to Influence in East Asia. The Wall Street Journal. 2013-06-28 [2015-05-14]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-09). 
  44. ^ Mireya, Solis. The Containment Fallacy: China and the TPP. Brookings Institution. 2001-11-30 [2014-06-26]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-24). 
  45. ^ Needham, Vicki. China's interest grows in joining an Asia-Pacific trade deal. TheHill.com. 2013-09-17. (原始內容存檔於2013-09-20). 
  46. ^ Devadason, Evelyn S. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP): the Chinese perspective. Journal of Contemporary China. 2014-01-17, 23 (87): 462–479. S2CID 216141799. doi:10.1080/10670564.2013.843890. 
  47. ^ 47.0 47.1 Agence France-Presse in Washington. Indonesia will join Trans-Pacific Partnership, Jokowi tells Obama | World news. The Guardian. 2015-10-27 [2015-11-18]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  48. ^ Colombo contemplating joining Trans-Pacific Partnership: Samaraweera. The Hindu. 2016-02-26 [2016-02-27]. ISSN 0971-751X. (原始內容存檔於2019-05-12) (印度英語). 
  49. ^ 49.0 49.1 Govt pushing for GSP+, TPP membership - Dr. Harsha | Daily News. dailynews.lk. [2016-02-27]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-30). 
  50. ^ History of the Trans-Pacific SEP Agreement P4. mfat.govt.nz. (原始內容存檔於2013-02-10). 
  51. ^ TRANS-PACIFIC STRATEGIC ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT (PDF). mfat.govt.nz. [2015-10-05]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2015-05-14). 
  52. ^ Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (PDF). NZ Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Trade. 2005 [2012-01-28]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2015-05-14). 
  53. ^ Daniels, Chris. First step to wider free trade. The New Zealand Herald. 2008-02-10 [2008-02-09]. (原始內容存檔於2019-01-20). 
  54. ^ Shintaro Hamanaka. Trans-Pacific Partnership versus Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership: Control of Membership and Agenda setting (PDF). January 2014 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-11-11). 
  55. ^ Ishiguro, Kaoru. TPP negotiations and political economy reforms in Japan's executive policy making: a two-level game analysis. International Relations of the Asia-Pacific. 2016-06-20, 17 (2): 171–201. doi:10.1093/irap/lcw010. 
  56. ^ Notification of Completion of Domestic Procedures for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement. Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Japan). 2017-01-20 [2017-01-22]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-16). 
  57. ^ Government ratifies TPP as Bill English heads to Japan for trade talks. Stuff. 2017-05-11 [2017-05-11]. (原始內容存檔於2018-10-11). 
  58. ^ Ardern to push for TPP changes. Radio New Zealand. 2017-10-21 [2017-10-30]. (原始內容存檔於2019-04-12). Incoming Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern will push for changes to the Trans-Pacific Partnership when she attends next month's Apec meeting in Vietnam. 
  59. ^ Donald Trump vows to cancel Trans-Pacific Partnership as president, puts NAFTA on notice. The Washington Times. [2016-11-15]. (原始內容存檔於2016-11-15). 
  60. ^ TPP's Death Won't Help the American Middle Class. The Atlantic. 2016-11-15 [2017-01-22]. (原始內容存檔於2019-09-14). 
  61. ^ Trump: US to quit TPP trade deal on first day in office. BBC News. 2016-11-21 [2016-11-21]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-27) (英國英語). 
  62. ^ Shear, Michael D.; Davis, Julie Hirschfeld. Trump, on YouTube, Pledges to Create Jobs. The New York Times. 2016-11-21 [2016-11-22]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  63. ^ Trump vows to withdraw from TPP deal, silent on NAFTA. The Globe and Mail. [2017-01-22]. (原始內容存檔於2017-01-19). 
  64. ^ Calmes, Jackie. What Is Lost by Burying the Trans-Pacific Partnership?. The New York Times. 2016-11-11 [2016-11-15]. ISSN 0362-4331. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-25). 
  65. ^ Trump executive order pulls out of TPP trade deal. BBC News. [2017-01-23]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-27). Mr Trump's executive order on TPP is seen as mainly symbolic since the deal was never ratified by a divided US Congress. 
  66. ^ China eyes opportunity as US pulls out of Trans-Pacific Partnership. Bloomberg / Sydney Morning Herald. 2017-01-24 [2017-01-23]. (原始內容存檔於2017-12-30). 
  67. ^ Reaction to Trump's withdrawal from TPP doesn't fit cleanly along party lines. Business Insider. [2017-10-31]. (原始內容存檔於2020-12-05) (英語). 
  68. ^ Inc., Gallup. In U.S., Positive Attitudes Toward Foreign Trade Stay High. Gallup.com. [2018-04-23]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-20) (美國英語). 
  69. ^ Americans favor TPP, but less than those in other countries do. Pew Research Center. 2015-06-23 [2018-04-02]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-25) (美國英語). 
  70. ^ Blendon, Robert J. Public Opinion and Trump's Jobs and Trade Policies. Challenge. April 2017, 60 (3): 228–244. doi:10.1080/05775132.2017.1308763可免費查閱. 
  71. ^ Drezner, Daniel W. Perspective | The arc of the Trump administration bends toward stupidity. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-02-27) –透過www.washingtonpost.com. 
  72. ^ Dovere, Edward-Isaac; Carlisle, Madeleine; Paschal, Olivia. Joe Biden Won't Say If He Backs the Trade Deal He Helped Sell. The Atlantic. 2019-06-26 [2021-09-21]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-25). 
  73. ^ Donnan, Shawn. New Pacific Trade Deal Is Biden's Road Back to the TPP. Bloomberg. 2020-11-17 [2021-09-21]. (原始內容存檔於2021-09-21). 
  74. ^ After U.S. exit, Asian nations try to save TPP trade deal. Reuters. 2017-01-24 [2017-01-24]. (原始內容存檔於2017-05-02). 
  75. ^ hermesauto. 6 things to know about the trans-Pacific trade pact CPTPP. The Straits Times. 2018-01-23 [2018-01-23]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-15) (英語). 
  76. ^ TPP11: Unpacking the Suspended Provisions. Asian Trade Centre. [2018-01-23]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-12). 
  77. ^ Text of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2015-11-05 [2015-11-05], (原始內容存檔於2015-11-27) 
  78. ^ Leaked: What's in Obama's trade deal. The Agenda. [2015-11-05]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-27). 
  79. ^ Potential Macroeconomic Implications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (PDF). Global Economic Prospect. January 2016 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-11-08). 
  80. ^ 80.0 80.1 Allee, Todd; Lugg, Andrew. Who wrote the rules for the Trans-Pacific Partnership?. Research & Politics. 2016-07-01, 3 (3): 2053168016658919. ISSN 2053-1680. doi:10.1177/2053168016658919可免費查閱 (英語). 
  81. ^ Broude, Tomer; Haftel, Yoram Z.; Thompson, Alexander. The Trans-Pacific Partnership and Regulatory Space: A Comparison of Treaty Texts. Journal of International Economic Law. 2017-06-01, 20 (2): 391–417. ISSN 1369-3034. doi:10.1093/jiel/jgx016 (英語). 
  82. ^ The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-27). 
  83. ^ 83.0 83.1 83.2 Ed Gerwin. Small Businesses With a Big Stake in the Pacific Trade Deal. The Wall Street Journal. 2015-11-27. 
  84. ^ Granville, Kevin. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Trade Accord Explained. The New York Times. 2016-07-26 [2016-07-27]. ISSN 0362-4331. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  85. ^ 85.0 85.1 85.2 85.3 The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-27). 
  86. ^ Morin, Jean-Frederic and Guillaume Baumier, TPP environmental commitments: Combining the US legalistic and the EU sectoral approaches, ICTSD, 2016, http://www.chaire-epi.ulaval.ca/sites/chaire-epi.ulaval.ca/files/publications/tpp_environmental_commitments.pdf頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館
  87. ^ Ibrahim Balkhy (9 December 2013). "Obama's Trans-Pacific Partnership May Undermine Public Health, Environment, Internet All At Once"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館). The Huffington Post. Retrieved 10 January 2014.
  88. ^ Howard, Brian Clark (17 January 2014). 4 Ways Green Groups Say Trans-Pacific Partnership Will Hurt Environment頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館). National Geographic. Retrieved 23 January 2014.
  89. ^ Shuaihua Wallace Cheng. Pacific Trade Deal Needs To Harmonize With Sustainable Development Goals. YaleGlobal Online. 2015-10-23 [2015-11-18]. (原始內容存檔於2019-08-01). 
  90. ^ Matthew Rimmer. The Trans-Pacific Partnership poses a grave threat to sustainable development. The Conversation Australia. [2015-11-18]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-09). 
  91. ^ Cam Walker. Briefing on the TPP and Sustainable Development Goals | Friends of the Earth Australia. Friends of the Earth Australia. 2015-10-02 [2015-11-18]. (原始內容存檔於2020-04-18). 
  92. ^ Rowena Dela Rosa Yoon. TPP irreconcilable with UN sustainable development goals, say critics. Asian Correspondent. 2015-10-06 [2015-11-18]. (原始內容存檔於2015-11-19). 
  93. ^ What They're Saying: Environmental Advocates Point to the Trans-Pacific Partnership as a Historic Opportunity to Protect Our Oceans, Forests, and Wildlife. whitehouse.gov. 2015-03-31 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2016-11-10) –透過National Archives. 
  94. ^ The Trans-Pacific Partnership. The White House. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-15). 
  95. ^ TPP and the Environment | PIIE. piie.com. 2016-04-22 [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-09). 
  96. ^ 96.0 96.1 96.2 96.3 96.4 96.5 96.6 Assessing the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Volume 1: Market Access and Sectoral Issues | PIIE. piie.com. 2016-03-13 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2020-10-31). 
  97. ^ 97.0 97.1 Lilliston, Ben. The climate cost of free trade: how the TPP and trade deals undermine the Paris climate agreement (PDF). Minneapolis, MN, USA: Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy (IATP). September 2016 [2016-09-25]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2017-12-01). 
  98. ^ The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-27). 
  99. ^ 99.0 99.1 99.2 The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-27). 
  100. ^ 100.0 100.1 100.2 100.3 Checking an Obama claim on TPP and Malaysian human rights. [2016-08-07]. (原始內容存檔於2019-12-01). 
  101. ^ 101.0 101.1 Trump factor weighs as Vietnam intensifies crackdown on dissidents. Reuters. 2017 [2017-08-03]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-12). 
  102. ^ 102.0 102.1 Carlos A. Primo Braga. TPP: The New Gold Standard for Intellectual Property Protection in Trade Agreements?. Huffington Post. 2016-03-24 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2018-08-24). 
  103. ^ Claire Reilly. Spotlight on digital rights as full Trans-Pacific Partnership text finally revealed. Cnet. 2015-11-05 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  104. ^ 104.0 104.1 The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-27). 
  105. ^ 105.0 105.1 105.2 105.3 The TPP and Pharmaceutical Protections: Too Strong, Too Weak, or Just Right?. 2016-05-25 [2016-07-17]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  106. ^ Flynn, Sean; Kaminski, Margot E.; Baker, Brook K.; Koo, Jimmy H. Public Interest Analysis of the US TPP Proposal for an IP Chapter. Joint Pijip/TLS Research Paper Series (Program on Information Justice and Intellectual Property). 2011-12-06 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-07-29). 
  107. ^ 107.0 107.1 107.2 Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement. [2015-05-13]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-27). 
  108. ^ 108.0 108.1 Massive Coalition of Japanese Organizations Campaigns Against TPP Copyright Provisions. 2015-03-17 [2015-05-13]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  109. ^ "Negima's Akamatsu Warns Against Changing Japan's Copyright Law"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館), Anime News Network, 31 October 2011. Retrieved 10 November 2011
  110. ^ "Trade and Trust"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) Paul Krugman, The New York Times, 22 May 2015
  111. ^ DoniBloomfield, Anna Edney annaedney Doni Bloomfield. Drugmakers Say Pacific Trade Agreement to Stifle Investment. Bloomberg.com. 2015-10-05 [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-28). 
  112. ^ Lee, Timothy B. The just-completed Trans-Pacific Partnership deal, explained. Vox. 2015-10-05 [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08). 
  113. ^ TPP's Pharmaceutical Provisions Likely To Draw Criticism From Industry, Aid Agencies. 2015-10-06 [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2017-12-06) (美國英語). 
  114. ^ 114.0 114.1 114.2 Kapczynski, Amy. The Trans-Pacific Partnership — Is It Bad for Your Health?. New England Journal of Medicine. 2015-07-16, 373 (3): 201–203. PMID 26061752. doi:10.1056/NEJMp1506158. 
  115. ^ Statement by MSF on the Official Release of the Full Text of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Trade Agreement. Doctors Without Borders. 2015-11-05 [2015-11-06]. (原始內容存檔於2015-11-07). 
  116. ^ Goodman, Amy; González, Juan; Wallach, Lori, Full Text of TPP Trade Deal Revealed -- and Critics Say It's Even Worse Than They Thought, Democracy Now, 2015-11-06 [2015-11-06], (原始內容存檔於2020-11-17) 
  117. ^ Protecting the Health of Australians in the TPPA. Scoop Independent News. 2014-02-18 [2014-02-18]. (原始內容存檔於2020-09-19). 
  118. ^ 118.0 118.1 Letter from 10 Representatives asking for a meeting to discuss IP policies that could "undermine public health and access to medicines." (PDF). infojustice.org. 2011-08-03 [2012-01-30]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-10-18). 
  119. ^ Letter from Senator Sanders to US Trade Representative Ron Kirk (PDF). keionline.org. 2011-12-01 [2012-01-30]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2019-08-02). 
  120. ^ Letter from Representatives Levin, Waxman, McDermott and Conyers to US Trade Representative Ron Kirk (PDF). 2011-10-19 [2012-01-30]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-08-09). 
  121. ^ 121.0 121.1 Letter from Reps. Lewis, Stark, Rangel, Blumenauer, and Doggett asking that the May 10th agreement serve as a 'non-negotiable starting point' for access to medicines (PDF). 2011-09-08 [2012-01-30]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2014-04-24). 
  122. ^ Robert Reich: A Trans-Pacific Partnership Would Be Devastating頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館). Salon.com, 5 February 2015
  123. ^ TPP Final Text Chapter 9 Investment (PDF). [2016-01-17]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-11-08). 
  124. ^ Hernando Otero and Omar García-Bolívar, "International Arbitration between Foreign Investors and Host States"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) Hauser Global Law School Program. NYU, December 2011. Retrieved 14 December 2014
  125. ^ FACT SHEET: Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) | United States Trade Representative. ustr.gov. [2016-05-22]. (原始內容存檔於2018-12-15). 
  126. ^ 126.0 126.1 126.2 ISDS: Important Questions and Answers | United States Trade Representative. ustr.gov. [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2019-05-12). 
  127. ^ 127.0 127.1 127.2 127.3 127.4 127.5 127.6 127.7 Investor-state dispute settlement: the importance of an informed, fact-based debate. International Bar Association. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2020-09-30). 
  128. ^ Claire Provost and Matt Kennard. The obscure legal system that lets corporations sue countries. The Guardian. 2015-06-10 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2019-10-31). 
  129. ^ 129.0 129.1 TPP Tobacco Exception Proves the New Rule in Trade. Council on Foreign Relations. [2016-06-17]. (原始內容存檔於2017-03-05). 
  130. ^ Thomas J. Bollyky. The War on Tobacco Makes It Into the TPP Free Trade Deal. Newsweek. 13 February 2016 [22 July 2016]. (原始內容存檔於2020-10-24). 
  131. ^ Stiglitz, Joseph; Hersh, Adam S., Opinion: The Trans-Pacific Partnership charade: TPP isn't about 'free' trade at all, MarketWatch, 2015-10-05 [2015-10-28], (原始內容存檔於2020-11-12) 
  132. ^ Goodman, Amy; Stiglitz, Joseph, Joseph Stiglitz: Under TPP, Polluters Could Sue U.S. for Setting Carbon Emissions Limits, 2015-10-27 [2015-10-27], (原始內容存檔於2020-11-08) 
  133. ^ Why the TPP Is Too Flawed for a 'Yes' Vote in Congress頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) J. Sachs, The Huffington Post, 11 November 2015
  134. ^ The real danger in TPP頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) L. Johnson, L. Sachs and J. Sachs, CNN, 19 February 2016
  135. ^ Wallach, Lori. NAFTA on Steroids. The Nation. 16 July 2012 [10 July 2014]. (原始內容存檔於2015-06-11). 
  136. ^ Warren, Elizabeth. The Trans-Pacific Partnership clause everyone should oppose. The Washington Post. 2015-02-25 [2016-08-01]. ISSN 0190-8286. (原始內容存檔於2019-10-01) (美國英語). 
  137. ^ Board, Editorial. Don't buy the trade deal alarmism. The Washington Post. 2015-03-11 [2016-08-01]. ISSN 0190-8286. (原始內容存檔於2019-06-20) (美國英語). 
  138. ^ 138.0 138.1 138.2 Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) Questions and Answers. whitehouse.gov. 2015-02-26 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2017-01-20) –透過National Archives. 
  139. ^ What Do the Data Say about the Relationship between Investor-State Dispute Settlement Provisions and FDI? | PIIE. piie.com. 2015-03-11 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2020-08-28). 
  140. ^ 140.0 140.1 The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. The Trans-Pacific Partnership @ USTR.gov. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-07-27). 
  141. ^ Representative, U. S. Trade. Will TPP promote higher labor standards?. Medium. 2015-11-05 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2016-06-29). 
  142. ^ Labor Standards in the TPP | PIIE. piie.com. 2016-05-31 [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2022-07-09). 
  143. ^ Q&A: The Trans-Pacific Partnership. Human Rights Watch. 2016-01-12 [2016-05-22]. (原始內容存檔於2021-02-12). 
  144. ^ Blanchard, Emily J. Why progressives should rescue the TPP trade deal. [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-25). 
  145. ^ 145.0 145.1 Trans-Pacific Partnership won't improve workers' rights in Asia, critics warn頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) S. Greenhouse, The Guardian, 21 May 2015
  146. ^ Assessing the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Volume 2: Innovations in Trading Rules | PIIE. piie.com. 2016-03-21 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2022-07-14). 
  147. ^ 147.0 147.1 147.2 The sky fell on the U.S. poultry industry last year. But NAFTA and the TPP helped protect U.S. exports.. Washington Post. [2016-08-30]. (原始內容存檔於2020-10-09). 
  148. ^ 148.0 148.1 148.2 Potential Macroeconomic Implications of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (PDF). World Bank. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2016-02-12). 
  149. ^ 149.0 149.1 Hufbauer, Gary Clyde. Column: Why the Trans-Pacific Partnership isn't a bum deal. PBS. 2016-02-05 [2016-02-07]. (原始內容存檔於2017-09-30). 
  150. ^ Krisztina Binder. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Potential regional and global impacts (PDF). May 2016 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2021-02-25). 
  151. ^ Business, Jill Disis and Laura He, CNN. China signs huge Asia Pacific trade deal with 14 countries. CNN. [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-15). 
  152. ^ Lin, Alex Yu-Ting; Katada, Saori N. Striving for greatness: status aspirations, rhetorical entrapment, and domestic reforms. Review of International Political Economy. 2020-08-07: 1–38 [2022-06-15]. ISSN 0969-2290. S2CID 225371407. doi:10.1080/09692290.2020.1801486. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-17). 
  153. ^ Gulotty, Robert; Li, Xiaojun. Anticipating exclusion: Global supply chains and Chinese business responses to the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Business and Politics. 2019-07-30, 22 (2): 253–278 [2022-06-15]. S2CID 201359183. doi:10.1017/bap.2019.8. (原始內容存檔於2021-09-08). 
  154. ^ Stiglitz, Joseph E. On the Wrong Side of Globalization. The New York Times. 2014-03-15 [2014-03-17]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-03). 
  155. ^ Secrecy surrounds Trans-Pacific Partnership talks. The Sydney Morning Herald. 2013-12-09 [2013-12-09]. (原始內容存檔於2017-12-03). 
  156. ^ "Fighting TPP to protect workers' rights"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館). The Ed Show. 11 December 2013. Retrieved 17 December 2013.
  157. ^ "No Jobs from Trade Pacts: The Trans-Pacific Partnership Could Be Much Worse than the Over-Hyped Korea Deal"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館). Economic Policy Institute. 18 July 2013
  158. ^ Rosnick, David. Gains from Trade? The Net Effect of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement on U.S. Wages. Center for Economic and Policy Research. September 2013 [2021-09-28]. (原始內容存檔於2013-09-10). 
  159. ^ Economics of the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Distributional impact. VoxEU.org. 2016-04-30 [2016-05-22]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-06). 
  160. ^ Adjustment and Income Distribution Impacts of the Trans-Pacific Partnership | PIIE. piie.com. 2016-03-23 [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2016-05-17). 
  161. ^ Why the TPP has benefits for workers that far outweighs its costs. World Economic Forum. [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-08). 
  162. ^ Autor, David H.; Dorn, David; Hanson, Gordon H. The China Shock: Learning from Labor Market Adjustment to Large Changes in Trade (PDF). Annual Review of Economics. 2016, 8 (1): 205–240 [2022-06-15]. S2CID 1415485. doi:10.1146/annurev-economics-080315-015041. (原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2020-10-02). 
  163. ^ 163.0 163.1 Why Obama's key trade deal with Asia would actually be good for American workers. The Washington Post. [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2020-12-03). 
  164. ^ 164.0 164.1 Porter, Eduardo. Why Dropping the Trans-Pacific Partnership May Be a Bad Idea. The New York Times. 2016-07-26 [2016-07-27]. ISSN 0362-4331. (原始內容存檔於2020-11-12). 
  165. ^ 165.0 165.1 svwriter, John Boudreau. The Biggest Winner From TPP Trade Deal May Be Vietnam. Bloomberg.com. 2015-10-08 [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-08). 
  166. ^ 166.0 166.1 Diplomat, Dien Luong, The. Why Vietnam Loves the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The Diplomat. [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-08). 
  167. ^ Mauldin, William. Ten Winning and Losing Industries from the Pacific Trade Deal. Wall Street Journal. 2016-05-19 [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-08). 
  168. ^ 168.0 168.1 168.2 Not joining TPP will cost Canada billions in economic growth: report. [2016-09-10]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-08). 
  169. ^ 169.0 169.1 169.2 Trading Down:Unemployment, Inequality and Other Risks of the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement 互聯網檔案館存檔,存檔日期17 August 2019. J. Capaldo and A. Izurieta, Global Development and Environment Institute, Working Paper No. 16–1 Jan (2016)
  170. ^ Economists Sharply Split Over Trade Deal Effects頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) J. Calmes, The New York Times, 1 February 2016
  171. ^ 171.0 171.1 Should Free Traders Support the Trans- Pacific Partnership? An Assessment of America's Largest Preferential Trade Agreement. 2016-09-12 [2016-09-13]. (原始內容存檔於2021-01-19). 
  172. ^ Lewis, Meredith. The Trans-Pacific Partnership: New Paradigm or Wolf in Sheep's Clothing?. Boston College International & Comparative Law Review. 2011, 34. SSRN 1908411可免費查閱. 
  173. ^ Petri, Peter; Plummer, Michael. The Trans-Pacific Partnership and Asia-Pacific Integration: Policy Implications. Peterson Institute for International Economics Policy Brief. 2012. 
  174. ^ Williams, B.R. Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) countries: Comparative trade and economic analysis. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service. 2013. 
  175. ^ Li, C; Whalley, J. China and the Trans-Pacific Partnership: A Numerical Simulation Assessment of the Effects Involved. World Economics. 2014, 37 (2): 169–192. S2CID 154672692. doi:10.1111/twec.12123. 
  176. ^ Killing TPP would hand China 'keys to the castle': U.S. trade representative. Reuters. 2016-07-29 [2016-07-29]. (原始內容存檔於2020-12-23). 
  177. ^ 177.0 177.1 The Trans-Pacific Partnership Is Essential to Regional Peace and Global Prosperity. 2016-07-14 [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2021-01-20). 
  178. ^ Needham, Vicki. Big Endorsement for Obama Trade Deal. The Hill. [2016-01-04]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-07). 
  179. ^ TRIP Data Viewer. trip.wm.edu. [2016-10-26]. (原始內容存檔於2020-05-31). 
  180. ^ Trade Is a National Security Imperative - Harvard - Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. belfercenter.hks.harvard.edu. [2016-05-24]. (原始內容存檔於2016-08-07). 
  181. ^ Boot, Max. The Geopolitical Necessity of Trade. 2016-04-29 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2019-06-30). 
  182. ^ 182.0 182.1 This Isn't Realpolitik. This Is Amateur Hour.. Foreign Policy. [2017-05-04]. (原始內容存檔於2017-05-04). 
  183. ^ Trump Will Be Haunted by the Ghost of TPP. Foreign Policy. [2017-11-22]. (原始內容存檔於2017-11-22). 
  184. ^ Calmes, Jackie. Trans-Pacific Partnership Text Released, Waving Green Flag for Debate. The New York Times. 2015-11-05 [2016-05-24]. ISSN 0362-4331. (原始內容存檔於2016-04-16). 
  185. ^ Hammond, P., "Foreign Secretary's speech on the UK in Asia Pacific"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) Foreign & Commonwealth Office, UK, 30 January 2015, accessed 8 October 2015
  186. ^ Messerlin, Patrick, The TPP and the EU policy in East Asia[失效連結], ECIPE Policy Brief, no.11/2012, European Centre for International Political Economy, ISSN 1653-8994.
  187. ^ 187.0 187.1 Matthias Bauer, Fredrik Erixon, Martina Ferracane and Hosuk Lee-Makiyama TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP: A challenge to Europe 互聯網檔案館存檔,存檔日期15 March 2016. ECIPE Policy Briefs, No.9/2014, page 1-13, European Centre for International Political Economy, ISSN 1653-8994
  188. ^ Krugman, Paul. No Big Deal. The New York Times. 2014-02-27 [2014-02-28]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-09). 
  189. ^ UN expert urges Pacific Rim countries not to sign the TPP without committing to human rights and development頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) OHCHR, 2 February 2016
  190. ^ China's impact looms large as U.S. debates its own trade deals. PBS. 2015-05-20 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2017-08-05) (美國英語). 
  191. ^ Is Hillary Clinton right about the Trans-Pacific Partnership?. Washington Post. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2019-08-01). 
  192. ^ 192.0 192.1 "The Top Ten Reasons Why Trade Agreements Should Not Cover Currency Manipulation" | Econbrowser. econbrowser.com. [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2021-08-15). 
  193. ^ Donald Trump Is Upset. The Wall Street Journal. 2015-11-13 [2016-08-02]. ISSN 0099-9660. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-11). 
  194. ^ FeelTheBern.org. Bernie Sanders on Trade. [2016-08-02]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-06) (美國英語). 
  195. ^ Yes, the TPP agreement is over 5,000 pages long. Here's why that's a good thing.. Washington Post. [2016-08-02]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-06). 
  196. ^ Edward-Isaac Dovere. Extreme secrecy eroding support for Obama's trade pact. Politico. 2015-05-04 [2016-07-22]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-14). 
  197. ^ Secret Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP). WikiLeaks. 2013-11-13 [2013-11-13]. (原始內容存檔於2013-11-13). 
  198. ^ Musil, Steven. WikiLeaks publishes secret draft chapter of Trans-Pacific Partnership. The Guardian (UK). 2013-11-12 [2013-11-15]. (原始內容存檔於2014-02-09). 
  199. ^ Secret Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) – Environment Chapter (新聞稿). WikiLeaks. 14 January 2014 [11 January 2014]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-14). 
  200. ^ Press Release – Updated Secret Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) – IP Chapter (second publication). WikiLeaks. 2014-10-26 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2021-01-29). 
  201. ^ 201.0 201.1 Palmer, Doug. Some secrecy needed in trade talks: Ron Kirk. Reuters. 2012-05-13 [2017-07-02]. (原始內容存檔於2015-10-19). 
  202. ^ 112th Congress (2012). S. 3225 (112th). Legislation. GovTrack.us. 2012-05-23 [2012-05-30]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-09). A bill to require the United States Trade Representative to provide documents relating to trade negotiations to Members of Congress and their staff upon request, and for other purposes. 
  203. ^ 2012 Congressional Record, Vol. 158, Page S3517 (23 May 2012)
  204. ^ Michael Wessel I've Read Obama's Trade Deal. Elizabeth Warren is Right to be Concerned.頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) Politico.com 19 May 2015, accessed 8 October 2015
  205. ^ Shabad, Rebecca. Rand Paul demands White House release trade deal text immediately. The Hill. 2015-06-06 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2021-02-06). 
  206. ^ 206.0 206.1 206.2 206.3 206.4 Warren's claim that advisory committees 'formed' during drafting of Trans-Pacific Partnership. Washington Post. [2016-07-20]. (原始內容存檔於2020-10-20). 
  207. ^ 207.0 207.1 Will the Trans-Pacific Partnership Turn Silicon Valley Into Detroit?頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館) D. Baker, The Huffington Post, 9 May 2016
  208. ^ Zach Carter and Ryan Grim (13 January 2014). "Noam Chomsky: Obama Trade Deal A 'Neoliberal Assault' To Further Corporate 'Domination'"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館). The Huffington Post. Retrieved 13 January 2014.
  209. ^ "Preventing TPP essential to all U.S. workers"頁面存檔備份,存於互聯網檔案館). The Ed Show, 16 January 2014. Retrieved 23 January 2014.
  210. ^ Robert Reich takes on the Trans-Pacific Partnership. MoveOn.org on YouTube. 2015-01-29 [2015-02-05]. (原始內容 (Video upload)存檔於2018-12-15). 
  211. ^ Robert Reich. Robert Reich: The Largest, Most Disastrous Trade Deal You've Never Heard Of. Alternet. Alternet. 2015-01-06 [2015-02-05]. (原始內容存檔於2017-12-01). 
  212. ^ Stop Calling the TPP a Trade Agreement – It Isn't.. 2015-05-27 [2022-06-15]. (原始內容存檔於2021-03-09). 

外部鏈接

[編輯]